Friday, October 30, 2009

Waging War Upon Ourselves

"Waging War Upon Ourselves

By: Peter Chamberlin

It is easy to see why Pakistan has been chosen as the battleground of the century, but it is a real shame to us all that we have allowed our governments so much unsupervised freedom of action that they could get away with the things you are about to read about in the following article. It is a difficult story to tell, since an accurate narrative requires the merging of multiple streams of information into one. The story of the war in Wana is a tale of strange religions, secret alliances and governments that wage war upon themselves.

It would be nice to believe our governments, that they were actually doing their utmost to defend our lives and our freedom in Afghanistan and Pakistan, that they were really marshalling all of our forces and our most advanced military technology to defeat an army of rabid terrorists who were out to destroy us…but that in no way resembles the situation that we have created there on the ground. The “war on terror” is a great psycho-drama, staged to convince us that the world is out to get us and we must accept living in a state of permanent war.

The first thing that must be understood is that Pakistan’s allegiance to America in the past has come home to bite the generals in the asses. Running America’s militant/terrorist training camps, creating “Islamist” foot soldiers for the CIA to send all over the world, is suddenly a big deal. The world has finally recognized that the training program is a vast criminal enterprise, which Musharraf and his generals are all set to take the fall for, except there at home in Pakistan, right in the middle of world war III.

The Pakistani people are the most abused of all the victims of CIA/ISI terror. The Army is busy there staging a fake terror war, pretending to be fighting the TTP, in a modern remake of a farcical drama that last played in the Roman Coliseum. Thousands of Pakistani civilians and hundreds of soldiers and policemen have been sacrificed to convince the world that terrorists are waging war indiscriminately across FATA and the NWFP, even though their every action seems calculated to justify an American invasion.

The good people of Pakistan are greatly troubled, trying to understand the situation that they have been trapped in. Even as the government relocates millions of its citizens to fight entrenched terrorists who live among them, the news of the day (attack on GHQ) once again links “ex-officers” of the Army and ISI with terror attacks. Other news reports that hit men in sectarian attacks carried ISI identification. What could possibly motivate some military and government officials to participate in a plan to bring war to Pakistan?

If the evidence really proves military involvement in actual terrorism in the past and in the present, then it becomes a question of motive—Why would dedicated military men, who have taken oaths to serve and protect the Nation, kill innocent Pakistanis, or worse, their fellow officers? It seems that there could be only three possible answers to this question—money, insanity, or patriotism.

Patriotism stands-out as the most likely answer, since military minds see duty differently than civilian folks. It is conceivable that perhaps some Army or ISI guys could have been convinced that certain people were a threat to national security and had to be eliminated. This could explain how the following names of so many officers could be linked to confirmed terrorists:

Mr Aqeel , Aliases Dr Usman, who was named in Daniel Pearl’s murder and the GHQ attack Amjad Farooqi namesake of the (TTP) umbrella group which attacked GHQ Maj. Gen. Zaheer ul Islam Abbasi, who led an attempted coup against Benazir Bhutto, or former SSG commando Ilyas Kashmiri who alleged killed SSG Gen. Faisal Alvi. Khalid Khwaja, retired air force officer who led Daniel Pearl to Omar Sheikh dozens of active-duty military officers.… arrested for helping Amjad Farooqi try to kill Musharraf.

People in Pakistan have been exposed to this sort of news for many years, among them, there has been little doubt that the Army has always served American interests and the Army has always trained and used militants as part of this service. The terrorism in Pakistan, mostly the sectarian terrorism, has been committed by government-trained militants/terrorists, so much so that the people blame the Army for every bomb in a mosque.

The “militants” who have been trained by the professionals who had joined radical outfits are really no different than those who have trained them—both are radical extremists who are ready to kill or die for their country or for their religion. As long as the terror that they have unleashed upon their neighbors and countrymen was in the name of America, Pakistan, or Islam, then the terror was for a “just” cause. This kind of thinking causes military men like ISI Directorate chief Lieutenant-General Pasha to call men like Baitullah Mehsud and Mullah Fazlullah “true patriots,” for offering to fight India, just like Reagan called the contras “freedom fighters.”

There is a theory making the rounds and gaining ground in Pakistan that tries to explain how the military/militant nexus that was openly nurtured to fight in Kashmir was applied covertly to the situation in FATA and NWFP. That theory attempts to explain how the Army could allow American and British intelligence agencies to secretly use India’s RAW and the Mossad to manipulate certain adherents of a local religious cult, the Ahmadiyya (a schism from Sunni Islam), to create a new series of schisms within Pakistani society. The theory seems to gain some validity due to certain facts that apply to many members of the cult—many are embedded within the Pakistani officer corps, a lot of them hold high positions in the government bureaucracy and their movement was founded in what is today the epicenter of sectarian terror, around the town of Jhang.

The basic reality of everyday life for Ahmadis within Pakistan makes them ideal candidates for recruits in a secret army, especially if the mostly poor Ahmadis are paid exceptionally well—because of religious persecution, they have always had to hide their religious identities; they advocate reunification with India; they prefer British rule over the status quo in Pakistan. If the world was being reordered by the Americans and British in a manner that would reunite India or bring all the Muslim people in Pakistan under the control of one organization that was America-friendly, perhaps also leading to Indian reunification, then surely the Ahmadi and some of their leaders could be counted upon to cooperate in bringing the plan about.

The Pakistani Taliban are the key to the entire psyop. Understanding who they actually are and what master they really serve is vital to understanding what is going down in the homeland of the “Islamic bomb.”

The Tehreek Taliban emerged from S. Punjab, spreading from there to S. Waziristan. Contrary to popular deceptions, they are an “anti-Taliban” force. Like everything else in Pakistan, they were meant to play a “double-game,” pretending to be part of the real Pashtun Afghan Taliban, while waging war in secret upon them. Musharraf and his generals created this “Taliban” force that was not really Taliban, by utilizing “Islamists,” who were not really Muslims. They were created to serve as a safe “loyal opposition,” who pretended to wage a fake war of terror for American audiences, without risking a fight with real rogue terror groups. The plan was to use military men to lead the criminal gangs of real revolutionaries and ordinary rabble,

The Tehreek Taliban are not really “Taliban,” they are more accurately described as a counter-Taliban force, an “anti-Taliban.” Like all the real Taliban, they follow a counterfeit Saudi Wahabi version of Islam. Unlike the real Afghan Taliban, their warped Wahabi Islam has been blended with another, even more radical “Islam” from India, Deobandi Islam. The result is the most sectarian bloodthirsty form of Sunni Islam yet devised, to them, anyone who doesn’t follow this perverse Wahabi-Deobandi fusion, just like them, is “Kfir,” the unbelievers. We are discussing the religious faith of people like Baitullah and Hakeemullah Mehsud, the same people who are now waging war in Pakistan.

The “Islamists” of FATA and NWFP wage sectarian war against all unbelievers in their areas of control, under the direction of ISI controllers. They also provide targets for American drones, using spies under ISI control to plant tracker chips on expendable “militants.” Whenever militant leaders, or criminal gangs working under their direction, get out of control, military action takes them out.

In addition to this ISI-controlled war in FATA and NWFP, there is another rogue element that is staging terrorist attacks outside of Army control, an American/British/Israeli/Indian force within the anti-Taliban themselves. The killers in this super-secret group are even worse bloodthirsty and hate-driven zealots than the Mehsuds. Pakistani writers refer to them as the “Punjabi Taliban,” because that is where they first sprang-up.

Rise of Punjabi Taliban

“Today the bulk of attacks in heartland Pakistan are carried out by Pakistanis from Punjab or Sindh, or by Pashtun fighters assisted by heartland Pakistanis,” says Rohan Gunaratne, author of Inside Al Qaeda.

“Punjab-based groups… were initially the creatures of the Inter-Services Intelligence, and had a Kashmir focus,” says Teresita Schaffer of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

The change began when President Pervez Musharraf outlawed two Punjabi militant groups (2002) —Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) — because of outrage over their attacks on Shias.

Many Jhangvi fighters then moved to the NWFP.

“Jhangvi is now the eyes, ears and operational arm of Al Qaeda and the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan [based in Waziristan],” says Gunaratne. “It is hard to distinguish between the three.”

The task of the Punjabi Taliban is to radicalize the TTP even more.

All the leaders in the Tehreek Taliban movement have been educated in Deobandi madrassas, where they studied under Muftis who had been steeped in the sectarian hatred of Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, the founder of the mother of all terror outfits in Pakistan, Sipah-e-Sahaba (SSP). All Tehreek Taliban leaders came from SSP’s militant wing, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), or one of its sub-groups.

To counter the activities of the Shia organisation, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), with the blessings of the USA, Saudi Arabia and Iraq, encouraged a group of Deobandi Muslim migrants (Mohajirs) from the districts of what constitute the Indian Punjab and Haryana of today to counter the activities of the TNFJ [Shia]. Thus came into being the Ajuman-e-Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (since re-named as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan–SSP) on September 6,1984, under the leadership of Maulana Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, a semi-educated Khateeb who had his religious education in Darul Uloom, Kabirwala, and the Khairul madrasa of Multan in Pakistani Punjab.

There is a river of terror running through the heart of Pakistan, flowing down every highway, road and goat path. Wherever progress has gone, the terror has followed, carried by rabble-rousing mullahs/muftis, from the central reservoir of hatred in the town of Jhang, in southern Punjab. It is more sickening than it is ironic that the architects of the reservoir sit in Washington and criticize the Pakistani engineers for following their blueprint too precisely.

All the sectarian terror in Pakistan flows from this reservoir of hatred dug deep in the town of Jhang, in the southern Punjab Region. Of all the regions of Pakistan, the ISI knew that only Jhang could produce a common mindset that would both feed the sectarian hatred and convince otherwise sane individuals to join the effort to defend Pakistan by waging war within it.

Since its inception the SSP has relied on a core constituency of Sunni peasantry who felt exploited by Shi’a landlords and aristocrats. The Ahmadi are a merchant class who have lived under the thumb of Shia since first coming to Pakistan.

In Jhang a center of sectarian hatred and terror already existed, embraced by an ignored hidden cult, or schism within Sunni Islam, known as Ahmadiyya, or “Qadiani.” The record clearly documents a movement of anti-Shia hatred from Punjab, to Peshawar, to S. Waziristan, to Khyber, and beyond. There is no way to document how many of the terrorists that infiltrated NWFP and FATA were Qadians, but we know for certain that they were all Sipah/Lashkar Jhangvi.

Basically, Ahmadiyya may be the most glorified personality cult of all time, based on the ego of one man who thought that he could convert the religions of the world by the power of his reasoning skills. The end product was a type of pseudo-Islamic intellectualism which could be described as a “Hindu-ized” version of Islam, misrepresenting itself as all things to all believers, clearly an abomination to all true Muslims.

The Ahmadiyya believe that their founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian (1835-1908) was the Mahdi of Islam, the last incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu and the embodiment of the Christian Messiah. The followers of Ahmad settled on 1034 acres of land near Jhang in Punjab.

It is no coincidence that Jhang is the epicenter of sectarian terrorism in Pakistan, since it is also home to both the outlawed Sipah-e-Sahaba (SSP) and its most evil stepchild, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ).

Jhang had all the ingredients and Gen. Musharraf had all the proper credentials to go forward with the CIA plan to create an anti-Taliban force there, from an assortment of disillusioned Ahmadis and others from the mohajir community, who were fed-up with life’s burdens. Gen. Musharraf, a mohajir general, was supposedly a Berelvi-Sunni, but many Pakistanis claim that he is a secret Ahmadi. The evidence reveals that in 2003, the dictator sought the help of MQM leader, Altaf Hussein, who is known as a willing servant of American and British interests, to use MQM fanatics to manipulate the local mohajir community as part of the plan.

2003 was a pivotal year in the plan, as US forces withdrew most of their assets from Afghanistan to invade Iraq in March. Bush clearly just dumped the entire operation into Musharraf’s lap. Musharraf was expected to “give pursuit” to the “al Qaida” militants who had taken refuge in Waziristan. This was never the real mission, the alleged “mission” was only another part of the psyop; Musharraf’s job was to stall. He was to wage a pretend war to buy time for American forces to eliminate Saddam Hussein. For this, he needed a new “Taliban” force, one to fight inside Pakistan.

The moment that Bush passed Afghanistan to Musharraf, he began to call together the old Taliban alliance, under Mullah Omar. After being clearly routed in Afghanistan by American bombers and Northern alliance troops (who were mostly Shia), Omar needed a new army of zealous militants, fueled with a new desire to wage jihad against American and Afghan forces.

He needed a Pashtun publicity campaign that would follow the American model of motivational speakers, on “lecture circuits,” conducted by brave inspiring role models, such as Mullah Dadullah, to persuade young Pashtun men to go to war. For this task, nothing seemed to work better than using veteran Afghan Taliban, who were missing limbs, or eyes, such as the one-legged Mullah. He was brought into S. Waziristan, along with one-legged Abdullah Mehsud, who was probably released from Guantanamo just for this reason. After sufficient CIA brainwashing, he was released into Afghanistan, where he inspired an army of Uzbek fighters of IMU (Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan) to follow him into S. Waziristan. These Uzbeks were reported in the media as “al Qaida,” as they terrorized the land and ran training camps around Wana, undoubtedly under direct ISI control.

In 2003, at the instance of the ISI, Mulla Omar, the Amir of the Taliban, reconstituted the Taliban army to launch a new jihad in Afghanistan—this time against the Western forces. He asked Mulla Dadullah, who continued to enjoy the confidence of the ISI, to act as the chief military commander of the new Taliban army, which consisted of experienced jihadi fighters of the pre-October 7, 2001, vintage as well as new recruits from the madrasas and Afghan refugee camps of Pakistan. The new Taliban army was trained by the ISI and started operating in the Pashtun majority areas of Southern and Eastern Afghanistan from sanctuaries in Balochistan and in the Waziristan area of the Federally-Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).

In its issue of October, 2003, the “Newsline”, the reliable and well-informed monthly of Karachi, gave the following account of the re-constitution of the Neo Taliban army and the role of Dadullah in it:

Hundreds, possibly thousands, of youths from religious schools across Pakistan have joined the ranks of Taliban cadres that have regrouped in Afghanistan in the last few months. According to one estimate, at least 5,000 youths including former Taliban soldiers who went underground after the fall of their regime in December 2001, and students from religious seminaries from Balochistan, have joined their compatriots in Afghanistan. Many of these young men are known in the ranks as ’sarbaz’ (those who have given their lives to the cause and readily sacrifice them in suicide missions). Regrouped, reorganised and rearmed, these warriors are now all set to launch a new guerrilla war for as long as it takes to expel what they call the ‘infidel forces’ from Afghanistan.

From this moment on, Pakistani proxies were at war with American and NATO troops in Afghanistan. The creation of the anti-Taliban, the TTP, with the help of the British (See: Unraveling the Anti-Pakistan Psyop), effectively acknowledged this fact and began to pit an American backed Pakistani proxy force, against Pakistan. If we were in a real war and not just a massive dramatic production, then this would have been a serious matter. As it was, it was just more geo-strategic chess, or “the great game,” as they like to call it on the sub-continent.

The forces organized under Dadullah had to fight a war within Pakistan that was totally convincing, one that was so intense that it would convince the world community that outside intervention (meaning: American intervention) was absolutely required to save Pakistan from itself. The real mission required many more terrorists, who were sufficiently vicious to kill religious opponents without hesitation. This required at least two more side psyops, both staged in areas that had already been marked by past sectarian conflicts—Karachi and Khyber.

In Karachi, Musharraf agitated the MQM supporters of Altaf Hussein. A fake “ultimatum,” allegedly from an unknown militant group, was issued around Peshawar, threatening to wipe-out all Ahmadis who refused to either convert or leave Pakistan. The fear campaign had begun. MQM agitators began recruiting for a “Sunni Tehreek,” to take the war to Pashtun militants. An open deal with Musharraf was struck, which effectively closed-down a previous ISI-created anti-MQM faction, the MQM-Haqaqi, begun to undermine Altaf Hussain’s group, the MQM-H, the most violent of all the mohajir factions. It was driven underground and group leader Amir Khan was arrested (June 29), effectively making thousands of potential recruits available from his organization for ISI missions.

On May 22, Ahmadi leaders met in Ranpur to make plans for dealing with the threat from the mullahs. A wave of killing was unleashed upon the Ahmadi community, beginning in Karachi. On July 14, Shia leader Allama Hassan Turabi was assassinated by a suicide bomber in front of his home in the Gulshan-e-Iqbal section of Karachi. Brigadier Iftikhar Ahmad, a well-known Ahmadi was shot dead by three men on motorbikes at his home (across the street from Musharraf) in Rawalpindi, on July 17.

Turabi was a staunch critic of the Musharraf regime and a vocal opponent of Islamabad’s staunch ties to the United States. He was also outspoken against Israeli policies toward the Palestinians. He was an advocate for ethnic and sectarian harmony among Pakistan’s disparate ethnic, sectarian and tribal groups and for unity in the face of what he believed was a repressive and corrupt regime in Islamabad that was beholden to U.S. interests. His membership in the Sunni-dominated MMA representing Shiite Muslims—a loosely knit coalition of Islamist parties united in their opposition to the Musharraf regime that commands a wide following in the largely Pashtun regions of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Balochistan, as well as a sizeable representation in parliament—was seen as an effort on the part of Sunni Islamist factions to reach out to Shiites to curtail the sectarian violence that has plagued Pakistan for years.

In conjunction with this anti-Shia action in Karachi, another anti-Shia psyop was getting underway in Khyber Agency, but this operation was intended to produce a second schism, this one within Sunni Islam. Haji Namdar, a local extremist, who had been unexpectedly returned from Saudi Arabia, where he had been indoctrinated for the last ten years by Wahabi instructors. He returned to Bara, which has a large Shia minority, where he became outraged that new roads and power lines had carried “sin,” according to the Wahabi definition, into his hometown. He set-up his own religious police force after the Saudi model, “Suppression of Vice and the Promotion of Virtue,” and began administering Saudi justice.

He also started a pirate FM station, where he denounced local sinners. He began to agitate against Sunni sinners, as well, in particular, the Berelvi-Sunnis. He agitated the local Berelvis to the point where he thought he needed help, motivating him to bring in radical firebrand, Mufti Munir Shakir, who was just being run-out of Hangu, because of an anti-Shia bombing inspired by his preaching.

Mufti Shakir started his own radio war against local Berelvi leader Pir Saifur Rahman. Both sides raised their own armies, before another bomb in a local mosque forced the expulsion of both men. Mufti Shakir’s army, Lashkar-e-Islami (LI), was turned over to another extremist leader, Mangal Bagh, before he left. Bagh continues the religious policing duties transferred to him. Bara, a mere 14 miles from the major city Peshawar, continues to supply a steady stream of rocket fire and car-bombs to the besieged, unguarded city.

Mufti Shakir has been held by the government since then. He was/is a Sipah-e-Sahaba leader, who had exported the radical Sipah teachings from Punjab to Hangu. He was probably one of Hakeemullah and Baitullah Mehsud’s teachers at the Deobandi madrassas they attended near Hangu. Hakeemullah has been blamed for the terror bombing that got Shakir expelled from Hangu, just as he was credited with the grenade in the mosque in Bara, and after that the suicide-bomber that nearly killed Haji Hamdar, as well as the assassin who finally did kill him.

The point of all this background information is to describe the unbroken chain that ties the hotbed of sectarian terror created by the ISI for the CIA in Punjab, to the sectarian terror that now threatens Peshawar (and the strategic route through the Khyber Pass) and the authors of that terror in S. Waziristan. These operations in the Peshawar area and the operation in Karachi to stimulate the MQM-H had the desired results, filling the rosters of the sectarian outfits to supply Mullah Omar’s forces, as well as the new operations in FATA.

Musharraf became desperate to redeem himself in Washington’s eyes, after letting bin Laden’s forces escape from Tora Bora, so he turned to what he knew, the experience he had gained leading the operations in Kashmir, where he fronted terror groups as self-defense forces. Pakistani paramilitary forces and the militant groups that they had trained were brought together with the Punjabi militants, to share tactics and cross-training. The widespread national enthusiasm felt for these Kashmiri terrorists who were defending the Muslim population there was easily transferred over to the FATA fighters.

In S. Waziristan, during this same time frame, we see the rise of a succession of Lashkar Jhangvi terrorist leaders, who headed-up the new “Taliban” faction starting-up there. First, under the command of Mullah Dadullah, the new “Taliban” drilled under IMU Uzbek trainers of Sipah-e-Sahaba. According to plan, Dadullah (who had been selected by the British) was martyred by Predator drone attack, so that command could be transferred to Nek Mohammad, before he was martyred in the same manner, then Baitullah, before giving command to the most corrupt and most evil gang leader of the lot, Hakeemullah.

There have also been reports emanating from the Wana area that a group of Pakistani Army officers have defected to side of the terrorists holed up alongside the late Nek Mohammed’s lashkar in Waziristan. There are also reports of writ petitions being filed against the Pakistan Army leadership on behalf of another group of Pakistani army officers up to the rank of colonel. In these petitions it is alleged that the aforementioned Pakistani officers are being secretly held under arrest, in contravention of Pakistan Army rules, on the orders of General Musharraf. Per ISPR spokesman Maj. Gen. Shaukat Sultan, these officers are under investigation for involvement in an attempt to kill Gen. Musharraf. Both these incidents of serious indiscipline highlight that there is considerable opposition to Gen. Musharraf in the officer corps of the Pakistan Army. (July 2004)

The officers mentioned in this excerpt included many of those who have been cited previously, especially those who were participants in the Musharraf assassination attempts, or in the murder of Daniel Pearl. These professional killers trained everybody who worked for Mehsud, including the suicide-bombers, but most importantly, they trained Jundullah (named for the town Jandolah, near Wana), the terrorist organization that is blowing the ongoing cover-up of what the CIA has been up to in Iran. Among the more notorious alumni of the IMU training camps of Wana (the same Uzbek camps that are reported to be at the center of the Army’s alleged offensive in S. Waziristan today) have been the Uyghurs of Western China, Abu Musab Zarqawi of “al Qaida in Iraq” and the Yemeni-Baloch cousins of Ramzi Yousef [nephews of Khalid Sheikh Mohammad].

The Yemeni-Balochs, along with military officers who were implicated in the hit on Musharraf, composed the core of Jundullah, the infamous irritant in Iran’s side. Some of SSP’s hardened terrorists were also infiltrated into Iraq with Zarqawi during the second Gulf War, where they carried-out multiple massacres upon Shiites, in order to follow the game plan set in Pakistan, total sectarian war. Yousef, Khalid Sheikh and the Jundullah boys were thereafter tied to nearly every major terror event in the region, including the murders of Daniel Pearl, Benazir Bhutto, and probably the grunts involved in the network behind 911.

Pakistan and American apologists for the policies of state terrorism used in Pakistan argue for the two Jundullah theory, claiming that the original group disbanded in 2003, when in fact, the first news of the original outfit did not leak-out until June of 04, when a group of them were arrested for an ambush on the Karachi Corps Commander, Lt. Gen. Ahsan Saleem Hyat. Ramzi Yousef conducted operations in the same area of Iran that is still being struck by Jundullah today. Saddam Hussein was one of the sponsors of SSP at that time; he financed operations in Iran and later allegedly sent Yousef to the United States for his own purposes, after the first Gulf War.

In 2006, the war in Iraq was going very badly. The American people had to be distracted, their attention refocused to the lesser war. A series of anti-Berelvi attacks swept across Pakistan, as open warfare exploded between the warring Radio Mullahs of Bara. On April 12th, a massive bomb went-off at a Sunni-Tehreek rally in Karachi. Known as the Eid Milad massacre, the leadership of the Sunni Tehrik (ST) was wiped-out, along with prominent members of the Jamaat-e-Ahle Sunnat. The group that worked for an end to sectarianism was nearly all eliminated, in a near fatal coup de gras that resembled the Turabi assassination in its thoroughness.

In 2007 Musharraf really began to lose control, as Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhury challenged Musharraf over the issue of so many “disappeared” (mostly Balochis). He allegedly threatened to expose to the world press the double-game that Musharraf and the Army had been playing in the war on terror. He was suspended by President General Musharraf on March 9, 2007. Rioting began to have him reinstated. On May 5, 2007, Chaudhry with his counsel Atizaz Ahsan, who is also the party member of PPP, traveled from Islamabad to Lahore to address the Lahore High Court Bar Association.

By Dr. Waqar Kazmi reports the following incident allegedly leaked from the ISI:

Pakistan’s military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, spoke on the telephone with the London-based leader of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) two days before the May 12 attacks on opposition activists and supporters of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry by the MQM in Karachi and asked Altaf Hussain to help “teach our opponents a lesson,” Pakistani intelligence sources have revealed.

Eyewitness: Karachi

A narrative of the events of ‘Black Saturday’ and the ’stop-the-blame-game’ argument

“Here in Karachi, we avoid ‘name calling’ and ‘finger pointing’ due to fear of having our knees drilled…”

But this was the first time in Pakistan that live television cameras captured the situation for viewers to see: government tankers used to block off routes to the airport, police and rangers conspicuous by their absence or standing idle as armed men ran amok on the streets of Karachi, corpses and wounded bodies lying by the wayside in pools of blood. Political-Eco_9_a

“There were bodies lying at every street intersection,” ‘Uzi’, a reporter related later on her blog. “We picked up a whole bunch of them and put them inside police mobiles parked nearby.” As for the police and the Rangers: “They did NOTHING! They stood around and LOITERED while my city was tainted with blood.”

AP TOPIX Pakistan Election

The following video contains live images of MQM supporters, clearly displaying the tri-color flag shooting at people and others in cars driving around passing out more weapons. Notice the flags in the following:

On Saturday, Nov 3 the dictator declared a state of emergency and suspended the nation’s constitution and parliament at the same time.

Nov. 18 — American media carried a leaked report of a new classified American military proposal outlining an intensified effort to enlist tribal leaders in the frontier areas of Pakistan in the fight against Al Qaeda and the Taliban

On 19 November, while driving to work in his car in Islamabad, Maj-Gen Alavi was shot dead by three unknown gunmen on motorcycles. It was alleged that Ilyas Kashmiri, the chief of Azad Kashmir chapter of Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami[3], was behind the murder of Maj-Gen Alavi at the behest of the Taliban in North Waziristan. He had told a British reporter that a senior Pakistani general came to an arrangement with Mehsud “whereby – in return for a large sum of money – Mehsud’s fighters would not attack the army.”[2]

December 14, 2007, representatives of armed groups active in various tribal areas of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) in Pakistan met in Southern Waziristan. Following their meeting, they announced the formation of the Taliban Movement of Pakistan — in Urdu Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan or (TTP) — under the leadership of Baitullah Mehsud.

Shia leader Benazir Bhutto was killed Dec. 27, 2007.

Since then, the Tehreek Taliban have been waging a terror war in every corner of NWFP and to a lesser degree in FATA. Due to this ongoing wave of bombings and unrelenting pressure from America, the Pakistani government felt compelled to stage some kind of offensive in S. Waziristan, mostly concentrating on the rogue force of Uzbeks around Wana who are loyal to Sipah derivative, IMU.

It is impossible to determine to what degree this is a real war and not another military excursion that levels lots of buildings and kills hundreds of civilians. Pakistan’s M.O. has been to empty each area of operations of civilian witnesses first, as much as possible, and to keep reporters out of the war zone. Every militant interviewed by anyone anywhere, to date, has consistently sworn that these operations are for the media’s benefit. Real witnesses from the Wana area who have fled report the same old story, lots of buildings leveled, lots of civilians dead. Who knows?

Recently, Foreign Minister Mr Shah Mehmood Qureshi came as close as any government spokesman has to admitting the truth, that the Tehreek Taliban are a government psyop:

“The Sunni Tehreek has decided to activate itself against Talibanisation in the country. A national consensus against terrorism is emerging across the country”. The Sunni Tehreek, of course, is an aggressive version of the Barelvi faith that has emerged in Karachi in the face of Deobandi-Ahle Hadith dominance in the mega-city and is now actively seeking cooperation from Barelvi organisations in the rest of the country to face up to the armed madrassa followers.

The state of Pakistan, just like its big brother, the United States of America, is waging war against its own people, while our Commander-in-Chief lies to the world that:

“This is a war of necessity…not of choice.”


Who is Jerome M. Hauer?

"Who is Jerome M. Hauer?

Jerome Hauer is among the small group of key individuals who are suspected of playing crucial roles is setting the stage for Israeli false-flag terror attacks of 9-11.

Yesterday, a reader sent me a document that contained a link to a very interesting 9-minute video clip called "The 9/11 Solution."

This short video, which I recommend, is about how the "9-11 cover story was sold to the public." It shows how – in the first hour after the attacks – the controlled media conspired, or was used, to promote the fairy tale that became the official story about why the World Trade Center towers collapsed, i.e. structural failure caused by fire.

The short video is composed of a couple clips taken from network television news on the very morning of 9-11.

The first is a clip of an unknown person in the street who provided a detailed explanation of how and why the towers collapsed. This simple man on the street, wearing a Harley-Davidson shirt, claims that the towers collapsed due to structural failure due to intense fires.

Although this person was not named, his non-expert opinion was echoed by highly-placed experts who were interviewed on the first news shows after the collapses. In hindsight, this video shows how manipulative and effective this "random" interview was in seeding the official explanation of 9-11.

The second clip is even more interesting. This is a Dan Rather interview with Jerome M. Hauer, the first director of the Mayor Rudy Giuliani's Office of Emergency Management (OEM). Not only does Hauer second the opinion that burning jet fuel brought down the towers – he even goes so far as to put the blame on Osama Bin Laden.

Now wonder they call him a "Terrorism Expert."

This is a very important video clip because it shows how Jerome Hauer, the former director of OEM, was instantly ready to speak to the mass media about the attacks in New York – from San Diego, I presume.

The buildings had just collapsed but Hauer, from a distance, stated that the "velocity" of the planes and the fuel were responsible for the collapses, which certainly looked explosive to real explosion experts, such as Van Romero of New Mexico Tech.

Hauer then went on to say that the attacks carried the "fingerprints of Osama bin Laden." How could he possibly make such a damning determination of responsibility before any evidence had even been collected?

A Fellow Terrorism Expert

Hauer did not work in New York on 9-11. He had left his position as head of the director of the OEM in New York City in February 2000. He had then joined Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC), a large consulting concern based in San Diego, as a vice president and associate director of its Center for Counterterrorism Technology and Analysis.

Like Benjamin Netanyahu, Jerome Hauer is a Zionist expert on terror.


Jerome Hauer is among the small group of key individuals who are suspected of playing crucial roles is setting the stage for Israeli false-flag terror attacks of 9-11.

Giuliani Appointed Hauer

Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani of New York appointed Jerome M. Hauer, left, to lead the newly created Office of Emergency Management in 1996. Hauer was the first director of Mayor Giuliani's Office of Emergency Management. He directed the agency since 1996, when Giuliani shifted responsibility for the city's emergency preparedness from the Police Department to the new agency – headed by Hauer, a person he did not even know. How odd.

Jerome Hauer Was Just A Bureaucrat

The New York Times wrote in May 2007:

Mr. Giuliani and Mr. Hauer began their relationship in January 1996 when Mr. Hauer was hired to lead the new Office of Emergency Management, created to coordinate the city’s response to crises. Mr. Hauer, who was little known before he became a Giuliani aide, had previously run emergency management programs for the State of Indiana and IBM.

The Zionist Roots

Oddly, the New York Times never mentions Jerome Hauer's deep family roots in the New York Jewish Zionist community. From reading the Times, one might think that Hauer is from Indiana.

This can only be intentional. Hauer's mother, Rose Muscatine Hauer, is the retired Dean of the Beth Israel School of Nursing and the Honorary President of the New York Chapter of Hadassah, the Daughters of Zion movement that is one of the central Zionist organizations involved in the creation and maintenance of the State of Israel.
Rose Muscatine Hauer, nurse

Rose M. Hauer, dean of Beth Israel School of Nursing. Jerome Hauer is the son of the late Milton G. Hauer and Rose Muscatine who married April 4, 1949. His mother's parents, Hyman David Muscatine (1881-1964) and Rebecca Bertha (nee Gartner), were Hebrew-speaking Zionists. They both came to the United States in 1908-1909; Hyman from "Russia Poland" in 1908 and Rebecca from the Austrian Empire in 1909.

His father's parents, Moritz and Gussie Hauer, immigrated from Hungary before the turn of the century.

The 9/11 Command Center

Jerome Hauer, however, is best known for being the director of the OEM when he made the decision to build a $13 million crisis center on the 23rd floor at 7 World Trade Center. This bizarre crisis center was unveiled in June 1999, and became the subject of tension between the agency and the Police Department, whose own command center at 1 Police Plaza had until then been the focus of emergency preparedness operations.

Jerome M. Hauer, who has strong family connections to the State of Israel, built the bizarre crisis center for the Office of Emergency Management in Larry Silverstein's WTC 7, the 47-story tower which was demolished by explosives in the afternoon of 9-11. As the first director of the new crisis center, "one of Hauer’s first tasks was to find a home for an emergency command center to replace the inadequate facilities at police headquarters," according to the Times.

Who Was Manning The Center

Reports indicate that the OEM crisis center at the World Trade Center was not being used on 9-11 by the usual personnel. The center had been temporarily relocated to Pier 92 on Manhattan’s West Side, due to a FEMA drill which was supposed to begin on the day after 9-11, according to statements made by Mayor Giuliani.

So who was in the OEM center in Larry Silverstein's building on 9-11? That's the question the needs to be answered.

The Mysterious Construction Company

Hauer's "crisis center" for the Office of Emergency Management occupied the 23rd floor of the Israeli-built tower owned by Larry Silverstein. It should be noted that the OEM crisis center was constructed (like the damaged section of the Pentagon) by the same British company (AMEC) who was contracted to clean up the rubble from the WTC and the Pentagon. The blast-proof bunker occupied the floor with the blue glass stripe, about halfway up the tower.
As Mayor Giuliani told the 9-11 Commission:

The reason Pier 92 was selected as a command center was because on the next day, on September 12, Pier 92 was going to have a drill, it had hundreds of people here, from FEMA, from the Federal Government, from the State, from the State Emergency Management Office, and they were getting ready for a drill for biochemical attack. So that was gonna be the place they were going to have the drill. The equipment was already there, so we were able to establish a command center there, within three days, that was two and a half to three times bigger than the command center that we had lost at 7 World Trade Center. And it was from there that the rest of the search and rescue effort was completed.

The OEM crisis center in WTC 7 is suspected as being the control center for the pre-planned demolition of the towers. The center, and all of the evidence of the crime, was destroyed when the 47-story tower was completely demolished at about 5:25 p.m. on 9-11. This blast-proof command and control bunker with its own air and water supply was fortified to withstand incredible forces. What role did it play in the demolition of the World Trade Center?

So, who decided to build the OEM crisis center in the only WTC tower actually owned by Larry Silverstein?

It was Jerome Hauer, of course.

"Mr. Hauer said he decided that offices on the 23rd floor of 7 World Trade Center, next to the twin towers and just a few blocks from City Hall, seemed the best choice," Russ Buettner of the New York Times reported in May 2007.

The site was immediately controversial because it was part of the trade center, which had already been the location of a truck bomb attack in 1993. City officials, though, including Mr. Hauer, have long defended their decision, even after the command center had to be evacuated during the 2001 terror attack.
Last week, in an interview with Fox News, Mr. Giuliani again faced questions about the site. He put responsibility for selecting it on Mr. Hauer.

"Jerry Hauer recommended that as the prime site and the site that would make the most sense," Mr. Giuliani said. "It was largely on his recommendation that that site was selected."

Jerome Hauer clearly belongs to the very small group of people who were involved in setting the stage for 9-11. Like the others, people like Michael Chertoff, Alvin K. Hellerstein, Michael B. Mukasey, Ronald Lauder, Larry Silverstein, Frank Lowy, Rupert Murdoch, Michael Goff, James Rodney Schlesinger, and the Israeli brothers Elad and Amit Yoran, who controlled U.S. cyber-security, Hauer is also a Zionist Jew from a family with strong ties to the State of Israel.

This is, in fact, the one characteristic that is shared by all of the people who played key roles in setting the stage for the most disastrous terror attack in U.S. history – or covering up the truth afterwards.

This is not to say that these individuals are all necessarily witting accomplices in the crime. It is actually more likely that they were used, almost like mules, and because of their devotion to Israel they were placed in positions where they could be influenced to make decisions that would facilitate the attacks, demolitions, and subsequent destruction of the evidence and obstruction of the discovery and litigation processes to obtain justice for the victims.


Crooks Control the Government

"Are You Ready for the Next Crisis?

By Paul Craig Roberts

October 26, 2009 "Information Clearing House" -- Evidence that the US is a failed state is piling up faster than I can record it.

One conclusive hallmark of a failed state is that the crooks are inside the government, using government to protect and to advance their private interests.

Part 2

Another conclusive hallmark is rising income inequality as the insiders manipulate economic policy for their enrichment at the expense of everyone else.

Income inequality in the US is now the most extreme of all countries. The 2008 OECD report, Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries,” concludes that the US is the country with the highest inequality and poverty rate across the OECD and that since 2000 nowhere has there been such a stark rise in income inequality as in the US.The OECD finds that in the US the distribution of wealth is even more unequal than the distribution of income.

On October 21, 2009, Business Week reported that a new report from the United Nations Development Program concluded that the US ranked third among states with the worst income inequality. As number one and number two, Hong Kong and Singapore, are both essentially city states, not countries, the US actually has the shame of being the country with the most inequality in the distribution of income.

The stark increase in US income inequality in the 21st century coincides with the offshoring of US jobs, which enriched executives with “performance bonuses” while impoverishing the middle class, and with the rapid rise of unregulated OTC derivatives, which enriched Wall Street and the financial sector at the expense of everyone else.

Millions of Americans have lost their homes and half of their retirement savings while being loaded up with government debt to bail out the banksters who created the derivative crisis.

Frontline’s October 21 broadcast, “The Warning,” documents how Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, Deputy Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, and Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Arthur Levitt blocked Brooksley Born, head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, from performing her statutory duties and regulating OTC derivatives.

After the worst crisis in US financial history struck, just as Brooksley Born said it would, a disgraced Alan Greenspan was summoned out of retirement to explain to Congress his unequivocal assurances that no regulation of derivatives was necessary. Greenspan had even told Congress that regulation of derivatives would be harmful. A pathetic Greenspan had to admit that the free market ideology on which he had relied turned out to have a flaw.

Greenspan may have bet our country on his free market ideology, but does anyone believe that Rubin and Summers were doing anything other than protecting the enormous fraud-based profits that derivatives were bringing Wall Street? As Brooksley Born stressed, OTC derivatives are a “dark market.” There is no transparency. Regulators have no information on them and neither do purchasers.

Even after Long Term Capital Management blew up in 1998 and had to be bailed out, Greenspan, Rubin, and Summers stuck to their guns. Greenspan, Rubin and Summers, and a roped-in gullible Arthur Levitt who now regrets that he was the banksters’ dupe, succeeded in manipulating a totally ignorant Congress into blocking the CFTC from doing its mandated job. Brooksley Born, prevented by the public’s elected representatives from protecting the public, resigned. Wall Street money simply shoved facts and honest regulators aside, guaranteeing government inaction and the financial crisis that hit in 2008 and continues to plague our economy today.

The financial insiders running the Treasury, White House, and Federal Reserve shifted to taxpayers the cost of the catastrophe that they had created. When the crisis hit, Henry Paulson, appointed by President Bush as Rubin’s replacement as the Goldman Sachs representative running the US Treasury, hyped fear to obtain from “our” representatives in Congress with no questions asked hundreds of billions of taxpayers’ dollars (TARP money) to bail out Goldman Sachs and the other malefactors of unregulated derivatives.

When Goldman Sachs recently announced that it was paying massive six and seven figure bonuses to every employee, public outrage erupted. In defense of banksters, saved with the public’s money, paying themselves bonuses in excess of most people’s life-time earnings, Lord Griffiths, Vice Chairman of Goldman Sachs International, said that the public must learn to “tolerate the inequality as a way to achieve greater prosperity for all. In other words, “Let them eat cake.”

According to the UN report cited above, Great Britain has the 7th most unequal income distribution in the world. After the Goldman Sachs bonuses, the British will move up in distinction, perhaps rivaling Israel for the fourth spot in the hierarchy.

Despite the total insanity of unregulated derivatives, the high level of public anger, and Greenspan’s confession to Congress, still nothing has been done to regulate derivatives. One of Rubin’s Assistant Treasury Secretaries, Gary Gensler, has replaced Brooksley Born as head of the CFTC. Larry Summers is the head of President Obama’s National Economic Council. Former Federal Reserve official Timothy Geithner, a Paulson protege, runs the Obama Treasury. A Goldman Sachs vice president, Adam Storch, has been appointed the chief operating officer of the Securities and Exchange Commission. The Banksters are still in charge.

Is there another country in which in full public view so few so blatantly use government for the enrichment of private interests, with a coterie of “free market” economists available to justify plunder on the grounds that “the market knows best”? A narco-state is bad enough. The US surpasses this horror with its financo-state.

As Brooksley Born says, if nothing is done “it’ll happen again.”

But nothing can be done. The crooks have the government.

Note: The OECD report shows that despite the Reagan tax rate reduction, the rate of increase in US income inequality declined during the Reagan years. During the mid-1990s the Gini coefficient (the measure of income inequality) actually fell. Beginning in 2000 with the New Economy (essentially financial fraud and offshoring of US jobs), the Gini coefficient shot up sharply.


The US Special Forces Counterinsurgency Manual

"US Special Forces counterinsurgency manual analysis
From Wikileaks

(Redirected from How to train death squads and quash revolutions from San Salvador to you)

Wikileaks has obtained the "Petraeus doctrine" the Pentagon didn't want to show you.

JULIAN ASSANGE (investigative editor)
June 16, 2008, updated: October 8, 2008

Nicaraguan civil-war victims, 1978
Nicaraguan civil-war victims, 1978
[T]he psychological effectiveness of the CSDF concept starts by reversing the insurgent strategy of making the government the repressor. It forces the insurgents to cross a critical threshold-that of attacking and killing the very class of people they are supposed to be liberating.

— US Special Forces doctrine obtained by Wikileaks

So states the US Special Forces counterinsurgency manual obtained by Wikileaks, Foreign Internal Defense Tactics Techniques and Procedures for Special Forces (1994, 2004). The manual may be critically described as "what the US learned about running death squads and propping up corrupt government in Latin America and how to apply it to other places". Its contents are both history defining for Latin America and, given the continued role of US Special Forces in the suppression of insurgencies, including in Iraq and Afghanistan, history making.

The leaked manual, which has been verified with military sources, is the official US Special Forces doctrine for Foreign Internal Defense or FID.

FID operations are designed to prop up "friendly" governments facing popular revolution or guerilla insurgency. FID interventions are often covert or quasi-covert due to the unpopular nature of the governments being supported ("In formulating a realistic policy for the use of advisors, the commander must carefully gauge the psychological climate of the HN [Host Nation] and the United States.")

The manual directly advocates training paramilitaries, pervasive surveillance, censorship, press control and restrictions on labor unions & political parties. It directly advocates warrantless searches, detainment without charge and (under varying circumstances) the suspension of habeas corpus. It directly advocates employing terrorists or prosecuting individuals for terrorism who are not terrorists, running false flag operations and concealing human rights abuses from journalists. And it repeatedly advocates the use of subterfuge and "psychological operations" (propaganda) to make these and other "population & resource control" measures more palatable.

The content has been particularly informed by the long United States involvement in El Salvador.

In 2005 a number of credible media reports suggested the Pentagon was intensely debating "the Salvador option" for Iraq.[1]. According to the New York Times Magazine:

The template for Iraq today is not Vietnam, with which it has often been compared, but El Salvador, where a right-wing government backed by the United States fought a leftist insurgency in a 12-year war beginning in 1980. The cost was high — more than 70,000 people were killed, most of them civilians, in a country with a population of just six million. Most of the killing and torturing was done by the army and the right-wing death squads affiliated with it. According to an Amnesty International report in 2001, violations committed by the army and associated groups included ‘‘extrajudicial executions, other unlawful killings, ‘disappearances’ and torture. . . . Whole villages were targeted by the armed forces and their inhabitants massacred.’’ As part of President Reagan’s policy of supporting anti-Communist forces, hundreds of millions of dollars in United States aid was funneled to the Salvadoran Army, and a team of 55 Special Forces advisers, led for several years by Jim Steele, trained front-line battalions that were accused of significant human rights abuses.

US trained "death squad" victims in San Salvador, 1981
US trained "death squad" victims in San Salvador, 1981

The same article states James Steele and many other former Central American Special Forces "military advisors" have now been appointed at a high level to Iraq.

In 1993 a United Nations truth commission on El Salvador, which examined 22,000 atrocities that occurred during the twelve-year civil war, attributed 85 percent of the abuses to the US-backed El Salvador military and its paramilitary death squads.

It is worth noting what the US Ambassador to El Salvador, Robert E. White (now the president for the Center for International Policy) had to say as early as 1980, in State Department documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act:

The major, immediate threat to the existence of this government is the right-wing violence. In the city of San Salvador, the hired thugs of the extreme right, some of them well-trained Cuban and Nicaraguan terrorists, kill moderate left leaders and blow up government buildings. In the countryside, elements of the security forces torture and kill the campesinos, shoot up their houses and burn their crops. At least two hundred refugees from the countryside arrive daily in the capital city. This campaign of terror is radicalizing the rural areas just as surely as Somoza's National Guard did in Nicaragua. Unfortunately, the command structure of the army and the security forces either tolerates or encourages this activity. These senior officers believe or pretend to believe that they are eliminating the guerillas.[2]

Selected extracts follow. Note that the manual is 219 pages long and contains substantial material throughout. These extracts should merely be considered representative. Emphasis has been added for further selectivity. The full manual can be found at US Special Forces counterinsurgency manual FM 31-20-3.

DISTRIBUTION RESTRICTION: Distribution authorized to U.S. Government agencies and their contractors only to protect technical or operational information from automatic dissemination under the International Exchange Program or by other means. This determination was made on 5 December 2003. Other requests for this document must be referred to Commander, United States Army John F. Kennedy Special Warfare Center and School, ATTN: AOJK-DTD-SFD, Fort Bragg, North Carolina 28310-5000.

Destruction Notice: Destroy by any method that must prevent disclosure of contents or reconstruction of the document.




Most of the counterintelligence measures used will be overt in nature and aimed at protecting installations, units, and information and detecting espionage, sabotage, and subversion. Examples of counterintelligence measures to use are

  • Background investigations and records checks of persons in sensitive positions and persons whose loyalty may be questionable.
  • Maintenance of files on organizations, locations, and individuals of counterintelligence interest.
  • Internal security inspections of installations and units.
  • Control of civilian movement within government-controlled areas.
  • Identification systems to minimize the chance of insurgents gaining access to installations or moving freely.
  • Unannounced searches and raids on suspected meeting places.
  • Censorship.


PSYOP [Psychological Operations] are essential to the success of PRC [Population & Resources Control]. For maximum effectiveness, a strong psychological operations effort is directed toward the families of the insurgents and their popular support base. The PSYOP aspect of the PRC program tries to make the imposition of control more palatable to the people by relating the necessity of controls to their safety and well-being. PSYOP efforts also try to create a favorable national or local government image and counter the effects of the insurgent propaganda effort.

Control Measures

SF [US Special Forces] can advise and assist HN [Host Nation] forces in developing and implementing control measures. Among these measures are the following:

  • Security Forces. Police and other security forces use PRC [Population & Resources Control] measures to deprive the insurgent of support and to identify and locate members of his infrastructure. Appropriate PSYOP [Psychological Operations] help make these measures more acceptable to the population by explaining their need. The government informs the population that the PRC measures may cause an inconvenience but are necessary due to the actions of the insurgents.
  • Restrictions. Rights on the legality of detention or imprisonment of personnel (for example, habeas corpus) may be temporarily suspended. This measure must be taken as a last resort, since it may provide the insurgents with an effective propaganda theme. PRC [Population & Resources Control] measures can also include curfews or blackouts, travel restrictions, and restricted residential areas such as protected villages or resettlement areas. Registration and pass systems and control of sensitive items (resources control) and critical supplies such as weapons, food, and fuel are other PRC measures. Checkpoints, searches, roadblocks; surveillance, censorship, and press control; and restriction of activity that applies to selected groups (labor unions, political groups and the like) are further PRC measures.


Legal Considerations. All restrictions, controls, and DA measures must be governed by the legality of these methods and their impact on the populace. In countries where government authorities do not have wide latitude in controlling the population, special or emergency legislation must be enacted. This emergency legislation may include a form of martial law permitting government forces to search without warrant, to detain without bringing formal charges, and to execute other similar actions.


Psychological Operations

PSYOP can support the mission by discrediting the insurgent forces to neutral groups, creating dissension among the insurgents themselves, and supporting defector programs. Divisive programs create dissension, disorganization, low morale, subversion, and defection within the insurgent forces. Also important are national programs to win insurgents over to the government side with offers of amnesty and rewards. Motives for surrendering can range from personal rivalries and bitterness to disillusionment and discouragement. Pressure from the security forces has persuasive power.


Intelligence personnel must consider the parameters within which a revolutionary movement operates. Frequently, they establish a centralized intelligence processing center to collect and coordinate the amount of information required to make long-range intelligence estimates. Long-range intelligence focuses on the stable factors existing in an insurgency. For example, various demographic factors (ethnic, racial, social, economic, religious, and political characteristics of the area in which the underground movement takes places) are useful in identifying the members of the underground. Information about the underground organization at national, district, and local level is basic in FID [Foreign Internal Defense] and/or IDAD operations. Collection of specific short-range intelligence about the rapidly changing variables of a local situation is critical. Intelligence personnel must gather information on members of the underground, their movements, and their methods. Biographies and photos of suspected underground members, detailed information on their homes, families, education, work history, and associates are important features of short-range intelligence.

Destroying its tactical units is not enough to defeat the enemy. The insurgent's underground cells or infrastructure must be neutralized first because the infrastructure is his main source of tactical intelligence and political control. Eliminating the infrastructure within an area achieves two goals: it ensures the government's control of the area, and it cuts off the enemy's main source of intelligence. An intelligence and operations command center (IOCC) is needed at district or province level. This organization becomes the nerve center for operations against the insurgent infrastructure. Information on insurgent infrastructure targets should come from such sources as the national police and other established intelligence nets and agents and individuals (informants).

The highly specialized and sensitive nature of clandestine intelligence collection demands specially selected and highly trained agents. Information from clandestine sources is often highly sensitive and requires tight control to protect the source. However, tactical information upon which a combat response can be taken should be passed to the appropriate tactical level.

The spotting, assessment, and recruitment of an agent is not a haphazard process regardless of the type agent being sought. During the assessment phase, the case officer determines the individual's degree of intelligence, access to target, available or necessary cover, and motivation. He initiates the recruitment and coding action only after he determines the individual has the necessary attributes to fulfill the needs.

All agents are closely observed and those that are not reliable are relieved. A few well-targeted, reliable agents are better and more economical than a large number of poor ones.

A system is needed to evaluate the agents and the information they submit. The maintenance of an agent master dossier (possibly at the SFOD B level) can be useful in evaluating the agent on the value and quality of information he has submitted. The dossier must contain a copy of the agent's source data report and every intelligence report he submitted.

Security forces can induce individuals among the general populace to become informants. Security forces use various motives (civic-mindedness, patriotism, fear, punishment avoidance, gratitude, revenge or jealousy, financial rewards) as persuasive arguments. They use the assurance of protection from reprisal as a major inducement. Security forces must maintain the informant's anonymity and must conceal the transfer of information from the source to the security agent. The security agent and the informant may prearrange signals to coincide with everyday behavior.

Surveillance, the covert observation of persons and places, is a principal method of gaining and confirming intelligence information. Surveillance techniques naturally vary with the requirements of different situations. The basic procedures include mechanical observation (wiretaps or concealed microphones), observation from fixed locations, and physical surveillance of subjects.

Whenever a suspect is apprehended during an operation, a hasty interrogation takes place to gain immediate information that could be of tactical value. The most frequently used methods for gathering information (map studies and aerial observation), however, are normally unsuccessful. Most PWs cannot read a map. When they are taken on a visual reconnaissance flight, it is usually their first flight and they cannot associate an aerial view with what they saw on the ground.

The most successful interrogation method consists of a map study based on terrain information received from the detainee. The interrogator first asks the detainee what the sun's direction was when he left the base camp. From this information, he can determine a general direction. The interrogator then asks the detainee how long it took him to walk to the point where he was captured. Judging the terrain and the detainee's health, the interrogator can determine a general radius in which the base camp can be found (he can use an overlay for this purpose). He then asks the detainee to identify significant terrain features he saw on each day of his journey, (rivers, open areas, hills, rice paddies, swamps). As the detainee speaks and his memory is jogged, the interrogator finds these terrain features on a current map and gradually plots the detainee's route to finally locate the base camp.

If the interrogator is unable to speak the detainee's language, he interrogates through an interpreter who received a briefing beforehand. A recorder may also assist him. If the interrogator is not familiar with the area, personnel who are familiar with the area brief him before the interrogation and then join the interrogation team. The recorder allows the interrogator a more free-flowing interrogation. The recorder also lets a knowledgeable interpreter elaborate on points the detainee has mentioned without the interrogator interrupting the continuity established during a given sequence. The interpreter can also question certain inaccuracies, keeping pressure on the subject. The interpreter and the interrogator have to be well trained to work as a team. The interpreter has to be familiar with the interrogation procedures. His preinterrogation briefings must include information on the detainee's health, the circumstances resulting in his detention, and the specific information required. A successful interrogation is contingent upon continuity and a welltrained interpreter. A tape recorder (or a recorder taking notes) enhances continuity by freeing the interrogator from time-consuming administrative tasks.


Political Structures. A tightly disciplined party organization, formally structured to parallel the existing government hierarchy, may be found at the center of some insurgent movements. In most instances, this organizational structure will consist of committed organizations at the village, district province, and national levels. Within major divisions and sections of an insurgent military headquarters, totally distinct but parallel command channels exist. There are military chains of command and political channels of control. The party ensures complete domination over the military structure using its own parallel organization. It dominates through a political division in an insurgent military headquarters, a party cell or group in an insurgent military unit, or a political military officer.


Special Intelligence-Gathering Operations

Alternative intelligence-gathering techniques and sources, such as doppelganger or pseudo operations, can be tried and used when it is hard to obtain information from the civilian populace. These pseudo units are usually made up of ex-guerrilla and/or security force personnel posing as insurgents. They circulate among the civilian populace and, in some cases, infiltrate guerrilla units to gather information on guerrilla movements and its support infrastructure.

Much time and effort must be used to persuade insurgents to switch allegiance and serve with the security forces. Prospective candidates must be properly screened and then given a choice of serving with the HN [Host Nation] security forces or facing prosecution under HN law for terrorist crimes.

Government security force units and teams of varying size have been used in infiltration operations against underground and guerrilla forces. They have been especially effective in getting information on underground security and communications systems, the nature and extent of civilian support and underground liaison, underground supply methods, and possible collusion between local government officials and the underground. Before such a unit can be properly trained and disguised, however, much information about the appearance, mannerisms, and security procedures of enemy units must be gathered. Most of this information comes from defectors or reindoctrinated prisoners. Defectors also make excellent instructors and guides for an infiltrating unit. In using a disguised team, the selected men should be trained, oriented, and disguised to look and act like authentic underground or guerrilla units. In addition to acquiring valuable information, the infiltrating units can demoralize the insurgents to the extent that they become overly suspicious and distrustful of their own units.


After establishing the cordon and designating a holding area, the screening point or center is established. All civilians in the cordoned area will then pass through the screening center to be classified.

National police personnel will complete, if census data does not exist in the police files, a basic registration card and photograph all personnel over the age of 15. They print two copies of each photo- one is pasted to the registration card and the other to the village book (for possible use in later operations and to identify ralliers and informants).

The screening element leader ensures the screeners question relatives, friends, neighbors, and other knowledgeable individuals of guerrilla leaders or functionaries operating in the area on their whereabouts, activities, movements, and expected return.

The screening area must include areas where police and military intelligence personnel can privately interview selected individuals. The interrogators try to convince the interviewees that their cooperation will not be detected by the other inhabitants. They also discuss, during the interview, the availability of monetary rewards for certain types of information and equipment.


Civilian Self-Defense Forces [Paramilitaries, or, especially in an El-Salvador or Colombian civil war context, right wing "death squads"]

When a village accepts the CSDF program, the insurgents cannot choose to ignore it. To let the village go unpunished will encourage other villages to accept the government's CSDF program. The insurgents have no choice; they have to attack the CSDF village to provide a lesson to other villages considering CSDF. In a sense, the psychological effectiveness of the CSDF concept starts by reversing the insurgent strategy of making the government the repressor. It forces the insurgents to cross a critical threshold-that of attacking and killing the very class of people they are supposed to be liberating.

To be successful, the CSDF program must have popular support from those directly involved or affected by it. The average peasant is not normally willing to fight to his death for his national government. His national government may have been a succession of corrupt dictators and inefficient bureaucrats. These governments are not the types of institutions that inspire fight-to-the-death emotions in the peasant. The village or town, however, is a different matter. The average peasant will fight much harder for his home and for his village than he ever would for his national government. The CSDF concept directly involves the peasant in the war and makes it a fight for the family and village instead of a fight for some faraway irrelevant government.


Members of the CSDF receive no pay for their civil duties. In most instances, however, they derive certain benefits from voluntary service. These benefits can range from priority of hire for CMO projects to a place at the head of ration lines. In El Salvador, CSDF personnel (they were called civil defense there) were given a U.S.-funded life insurance policy with the wife or next of kin as the beneficiary.If a CSDF member died in the line of duty, the widow or next of kin was ceremoniously paid by an HN official. The HN administered the program and a U.S. advisor who maintained accountability of the funds verified the payment. The HN [Host Nation] exercises administrative and visible control.

Responsiveness and speedy payment are essential in this process since the widow normally does not have a means of support and the psychological effect of the government assisting her in her time of grief impacts on the entire community. These and other benefits offered by or through the HN government are valuable incentives for recruiting and sustaining the CSDF.


The local CSDF members select their leaders and deputy leaders (CSDF groups and teams) in elections organized by the local authorities. In some cases, the HN [Host Nation] appoints a leader who is a specially selected member of the HN security forces trained to carry out this task. Such appointments occurred in El Salvador where the armed forces have established a formal school to train CSDF commanders. Extreme care and close supervision are required to avoid abuses by CSDF leaders.


The organization of a CSDF can be similar to that of a combat group. This organization is effective in both rural and urban settings. For example, a basic group, having a strength of 107 members, is broken down into three 35-man elements plus a headquarters element of 2 personnel. Each 35-man element is further broken down into three 1 l-man teams and a headquarters element of 2 personnel. Each team consists of a team leader, an assistant team leader, and three 3-man cells. This organization can be modified to accommodate the number of citizens available to serve.


Weapons training for the CSDF personnel is critical. Skill at arms decides the outcome of battle and must be stressed. Of equal importance is the maintenance and care of weapons. CSDF members are taught basic rifle marksmanship with special emphasis on firing from fixed positions and during conditions of limited visibility. Also included in the marksmanship training program are target detection and fire discipline.

Training ammunition is usually allocated to the CSDF on the basis of a specified number of rounds for each authorized weapon. A supporting HN government force or an established CSDF logistic source provides the ammunition to support refresher training.


Acts of misconduct by HN [Host Nation] personnel

All members of training assistance teams must understand their responsibilities concerning acts of misconduct by HN personnel. Team members receive briefings before deployment on what to do if they encounter or observe such acts. Common Article 3 of the four Geneva Conventions lists prohibited acts by parties to the convention. Such acts are-

  • Violence to life and person, in particular, murder, mutilation, cruel treatment, and torture.
  • Taking of hostages.
  • Outrages against personal dignity, in particular, humiliating and degrading treatment.
  • Passing out sentences and carrying out executions without previous judgment by a regularly constituted court that affords all the official guarantees that are recog-nized as indispensable by civilized people.
  • The provisions in the above paragraph represent a level of conduct that the United States expects each foreign country to observe.

If team members encounter prohibited acts they can not stop, they will disengage from the activity, leave the area if possible, and report the incidents immediately to the proper in-country U.S. authorities. The country team will identify proper U.S. authorities during the team's initial briefing. Team members will not discuss such matters with non-U.S. Government authorities such as journalists and civilian contractors.


Most insurgents' doctrinal and training documents stress the use of pressure-type mines in the more isolated or less populated areas. They prefer using commandtype mines in densely populated areas. These documents stress that when using noncommand-detonated mines, the insurgents use every means to inform the local populace on their location, commensurate with security regulations. In reality, most insurgent groups suffer from various degrees of deficiency in their C2 [Command & Control] systems. Their C2 does not permit them to verify that those elements at the operational level strictly follow directives and orders. In the case of the Frente Farabundo Marti de la Liberation Nacional (FMLN) in El Salvador, the individual that emplaces the mine is responsible for its recovery after the engagement. There are problems with this concept. The individual may be killed or the security forces may gain control of the area. Therefore, the recovery of the mine is next to impossible.


Homemade antipersonnel mines are used extensively in El Salvador, Guatemala and Malaysia. (Eighty percent of all El Salvadoran armed forces casualties in 1986 were due to mines; in 1987, soldiers wounded by mines and booby traps averaged 50 to 60 per month.) The important point to remember is that any homemade mine is the product of the resources available to the insurgent group. Therefore, no two antipersonnel mines may be the same in their configuration and materials. Insurgent groups depend to a great extent on materials discarded or lost by security forces personnel. The insurgents not only use weapons, ammunition, mines, grenades, and demolitions for their original purpose but also in preparing expedient mines and booby traps.


A series of successful minings carried out by the Viet Cong insurgents on the Cua Viet River, Quang Tri Province, demonstrated their resourcefulness in countering minesweeping tactics. Initially, chain-dragging sweeps took place morning and evening. After several successful mining attacks, it was apparent that they laid the mines after the minesweepers passed. Then, the boats using the river formed into convoys and transited the river with minesweepers 914 meters ahead oft he convoy. Nevertheless, boats of the convoy were successfully mined in mid-channel, indicating that the mines were again laid after the minesweeper had passed, possibly by using sampans. Several sampans were observed crossing or otherwise using the channel between the minesweepers and the convoy. The convoys were then organized so that the minesweepers worked immediately ahead of the convoy. One convoy successfully passed. The next convoy had its minesweepers mined and ambushed close to the river banks.


Military Advisors


Psychologically pressuring the HN [Host Nation] counterpart may sometimes be successful.Forms of psychological pressure may range from the obvious to the subtle. The advisor never applies direct threats, pressure, or intimidation on his counterpart Indirect psychological pressure may be applied by taking an issue up the chain of command to a higher U.S. commander. The U.S. commander can then bring his counterpart to force the subordinate counterpart to comply. Psychological pressure may obtain quick results but may have very negative side effects. The counterpart will feel alienated and possibly hostile if the advisor uses such techniques. Offers of payment in the form of valuables may cause him to become resentful of the obvious control being exerted over him. In short, psychologically pressuring a counterpart is not recommended. Such pressure is used only as a last resort since it may irreparably damage the relationship between the advisor and his counterpart

PSYOP [Psychological Operations] Support for Military Advisors

The introduction of military advisors requires preparing the populace with which the advisors are going to work. Before advisors enter a country, the HN [Host Nation] government carefully explains their introduction and clearly emphasizes the benefits of their presence to the citizens. It must provide a credible justification to minimize the obvious propaganda benefits the insurgents could derive from this action. The country's dissenting elements label our actions, no matter how well-intended, an "imperialistic intervention."

Once advisors are committed, their activities should be exploited. Their successful integration into the HN [Host Nation] society and their respect for local customs and mores, as well as their involvement with CA [Civil Affairs] projects, are constantly brought to light. In formulating a realistic policy for the use of advisors, the commander must carefully gauge the psychological climate of the HN [Host Nation] and the United States.


PRC [Population & Resources Control] Operations.

Advisors assist their counterparts in developing proper control plans and training programs for PRC measures. They also help coordinate plans and requests for materiel and submit recommendations to improve the overall effectiveness of operations. They can be helpful in preparing to initiate control.

  • Select, organize, and train paramilitary and irregular forces.
  • Develop PSYOP [Psychological Operations] activities to support PRC operations.
  • Coordinate activities through an area coordination center (if established).
  • Establish and refine PRC operations.
  • Intensify intelligence activities.
  • Establish and refine coordination and communications with other agencies.